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Friday, November 30, 2012
Tuesday, November 27, 2012
Conflict of Interest? Benefactors of the CJ system? You decide
Corrections Corporation of America Used in Drug Sweeps of Public School Students
by Beau Hodai — November 27, 2012 - 7:00am
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In Arizona an unsettling trend appears to be underway: the use of private prison employees in law enforcement operations.
The state has graced national headlines in recent years as the result of its cozy relationship with the for-profit prison industry. Such controversies have included the role of private prison corporations in SB 1070 and similar anti-immigrant legislation disseminated in other states; a 2010 private prison escape that resulted in two murders and a nationwide manhunt; and a failed bid to privatize nearly the entire Arizona prison system.
And now, recent events in the central Arizona town of Casa Grande show the hand of private corrections corporations reaching into the classroom, assisting local law enforcement agencies in drug raids at public schools.
Vista Grande High School Principal Tim Hamilton ordered the school -- with a student population of 1,776 -- on "lock down," kicking off the first "drug sweep" in the school's four-year history. According to Hamilton, "lock down" is a state in which, "everybody is locked in the room they are in, and nobody leaves -- nobody leaves the school, nobody comes into the school."
"Everybody is locked in, and then they bring the dogs in, and they are teamed with an administrator and go in and out of classrooms. They go to a classroom and they have the kids come out and line up against a wall. The dog goes in and they close the door behind, and then the dog does its thing, and if it gets a hit, it sits on a bag and won't move."
While such "drug sweeps" have become a routine matter in many of the nation's schools, along with the use of metal detectors and zero-tolerance policies, one feature of this raid was unusual. According to Casa Grande Police Department (CGPD) Public Information Officer Thomas Anderson, four "law enforcement agencies" took part in the operation: CGPD (which served as the lead agency and operation coordinator), the Arizona Department of Public Safety, the Gila River Indian Community Police Department, and Corrections Corporation of America (CCA).
It is the involvement of CCA -- the nation's largest private, for-profit prison corporation -- that causes this high school "drug sweep" to stand out as unusual; CCA is not, despite CGPD's evident opinion to the contrary, a law enforcement agency.
"To invite for-profit prison guards to conduct law enforcement actions in a high school is perhaps the most direct expression of the 'schools-to-prison pipeline' I've ever seen," said Caroline Isaacs, program director of the Tucson office of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a Quaker social justice organization that advocates for criminal justice reform.
"All the research shows that CCA doesn't properly train its staff to do the jobs they actually have. They most certainly do not have anywhere near the training and experience--to say nothing of the legal authority--to conduct a drug raid on a high school," Isaacs added. "It is chilling to think that any school official would be willing to put vulnerable students at risk this way."
And, CCA has a substantial presence in Casa Grande and throughout Arizona's Pinal County (Casa Grande is the largest town in Pinal County). The corporation owns and operates a total of six correctional/detention facilities in the county, distributed through the towns of Florence and Eloy.
These facilities hold a mixture of prisoners from the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the U.S. Marshals Service, the Hawaii Department of Public Safety Division of Corrections, TransCor (a detainee/prisoner transportation subsidiary of CCA), the Pascua Yaqi Tribe, the U.S. Air Force, the Vermont Department of Corrections, and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. In September of this year, CCA was awarded a contract with the Arizona Department of Corrections (ADC) to house 1,000 medium security prisoners at the corporation's Red Rock Correctional Center in Eloy.
In 2009, the Central Arizona Regional Economic Development Foundation listed CCA as the largest non-governmental employer in Pinal County. To boot, CCA is a "Board Level" member of the Arizona Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a powerful trade/lobby organization, and is active in the Eloy, Florence, and Casa Grande chambers of commerce. (For more on CCA's political influence in Arizona, see "Brownskins and Greenbacks," DBA Press, June 2010.)
This CCA presence, coupled with the location of two correctional facilities operated by GEO Group (the nation's second largest for-profit prison/immigrant detention center contractor) in the county, as well as two ADC-run prison complexes, makes Pinal County -- which once cited mining and agriculture as its economic bedrock -- a de facto prison industry community.
Despite the obvious differences between CCA and actual law enforcement agencies, those involved in the Vista Grande High School drug sweep seem unable to differentiate between CCA employees and law enforcement officers.
"CCA is like a skip and a hop away from us-- as far as the one in Florence," said Anderson. "We work pretty closely with all surrounding agencies, whatever kind of law enforcement they are-- be they police, or immigration and naturalization, or the prison systems. So, yeah, this seems pretty regular to me."
For his part, Hamilton seems equally unable to differentiate between law enforcement officers and employees of a for-profit prison corporation. "To be honest with you, I couldn't tell if they were Casa Grande Police, Pinal County police, Gila River, the sheriff's department-- they all look the same," said Hamilton.
Aside from the fact that CCA is a private corporation that derives its profits from the incarceration of human beings-- such as minimum and medium security drug offenders -- Arizona Administrative Code provides that, in order for any individual to engage in the duties of a "peace officer," that individual must obtain certification from the Arizona Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Board. Arizona Revised Statutes defines "peace officer" to include such law enforcement personnel as: municipal police officers, constables, marshals, Department of Public Safety personnel, and community college/university police.
The POST Board is comprised of the Arizona Attorney General, the director of the Arizona Department of Corrections, the director of the Arizona Department of Public Safety, municipal police department chiefs, county sheriffs, state university personnel, and other public safety/law enforcement personnel. POST's essential purpose, as defined by Arizona law is to "prescribe reasonable minimum qualifications for officers to be appointed to enforce the laws of this state and the political subdivisions of this state and certify officers in compliance with these qualifications."
And, Arizona Administrative Code is very clear on this point: "a person who is not certified by the Board or whose certified status is inactive shall not function as a peace officer or be assigned the duties of a peace officer by an agency . . . "
According to POST Executive Director Lyle Mann, POST provides two types of certification: standards and training certification for "peace officers," and standards and training certification for correctional officers. Arizona Administrative Code mandates that ADC officers be POST certified. However, according to Mann, employees of private prison contractors are exempt from this standards and training requirements. As such, said Mann, no CCA employee is POST certified -- as either a "peace officer" or a correctional officer.
It is important to note that Arizona Administrative Code explicitly states that non-regular "peace officers" -- secondary parties engaging in certain limited aspects of law enforcement under the command/supervision of regular peace officers -- must also be POST certified.
According to Arizona Administrative Code, a "limited-authority peace officer" is defined as "a peace officer who is certified to perform the duties of a peace officer only in the presence and under the supervision of a full-authority peace officer." The Code goes on to state that duties which may be performed by a "limited-authority peace officer" in the presence of a "full-authority peace officer" include: "investigative activities performed to detect, prevent, or suppress crime, or to enforce criminal or traffic laws of the state, county, or municipality."
This definition seems to fit the description -- with the exception that CCA employees aiding CGPD "peace officers" are not POST certified -- of what occurred at Vista Grande High School on the morning of October 31, 2012.
According to Officer Anderson and Principal Hamilton, the raid was organized and conducted at Hamilton's request.
"We need to keep drugs off our campus," said Hamilton when asked why he requested the raid. "We wanted to make sure our campus . . . we wanted to send a message to kids that we don't want that stuff on our campus."
Hamilton stated that, outside from this desire to send a "message to kids," he had no knowledge of any particular drug use problem on his school's campus.
CGPD then issued a request for assistance to what it considered to be other local law enforcement agencies -- including CCA.
According to Anderson, CCA provided two canine units (handlers and dogs) to aid in the high school "drug sweep." These CCA canine units worked under the command of the lead CGPD canine unit.
According to Anderson, there is no contract or formal agreement for such services extant between CGPD and CCA. Rather, said Anderson, CCA simply agreed to participate in the raid when approached by CGPD "K-9" officers. Anderson stated that he does not know whether CGPD ever contacted POST-certified correctional canine units at either of the two nearby ADC-operated prisons.
As to the general role canine units play in such school "drug sweeps," Anderson stated that the dogs and their handlers are typically utilized to detect the presence of illicit materials in classrooms and school parking lots.
This activity, as was conducted by CCA employees, would seem to fall squarely under the Arizona Administrative Code description of duties performed by "limited-authority peace officers" -- officers who may perform "investigative activities" for the purpose of detecting, preventing, or suppressing criminal activity, and who are only authorized to do so while in the presence of "full-authority peace officers," such as CGPD. Such "limited-authority peace officers" are required to be POST certified.
Regardless, according to both Anderson and Hamilton, this type of activity has been going on for years in Pinal County.
According to Anderson, a similar "drug sweep" -- utilizing CCA canine units -- was conducted at Casa Grande's Union High School in 2011. Anderson has been unable to provide further details relating to this event.
According to Anderson, the Vista Grande High School raid is unlikely to be the last instance of CCA partnership with local law enforcement, as he assumed CGPD would use the corporation's canine teams again, if needed.
And, according to Hamilton, he requested and had executed "drug sweeps" utilizing CCA canine units "two or three times a year," while serving as principal at Coolidge High School in Coolidge, Arizona -- also located in Pinal County, roughly ten miles from the private prison mecca of Florence. Hamilton was principal at Coolidge High School from 2003 through 2007.
CCA did not respond to multiple requests for comment regarding their involvement in law enforcement operations at public schools in Pinal County.
According to Anderson, the students were referred to the juvenile division of Pinal County Superior Court. All students were then released to their parents/legal guardians. According to Hamilton, the school will commence expulsion hearings against all students arrested.
It is worth noting that, while (as of November 12, 2012) charges have yet to be filed against students arrested in the October 31 Vista Grande drug raid, it is possible, under Arizona law, for the 17-year-old female allegedly found to be in possession of 10 ounces of "individually packaged" marijuana to be sentenced as an adult if charged with possession with intent to distribute -- a felony which would could carry a prison sentence.
In addition, it is important to note that, under Arizona law, individuals arrested for illicit activity/possession of illicit substances on or near school grounds may face "drug-free school zone" sentencing enhancements. Those convicted of drug (including marijuana) offenses in Arizona courts, and sentenced through the stringent criteria of "drug-free school zone" sentencing enhancements, lose the possibility of sentence suspension, parole, or probation (which would rule out the possibility of a deferral or diversion). This sentencing enhancement also adds a mandatory year to any prison sentence handed down by the court.
While the recently-awarded 1,000 CCA Arizona prison beds have yet to come into operation, it is exactly this kind of low risk, minimum to medium security prisoner that corporations such as CCA derive much of their profit from.
Furthermore, according to Anderson, the Vista Grande High School marijuana arrests have sparked a broader, ongoing investigation.
Given the fact that such high school raids may serve as the foundation for larger narcotics investigations which may net additional adult offenders -- and given the tremendous pressure for information a prosecutor may exert on a student through discretionary use of "drug-free school zone" sentencing enhancements -- concerned citizens say that CCA's involvement in such raids constitutes a clear conflict of interest.
"They're [CCA] not the criminal justice system. They are benefactors of the criminal justice system," said correctional specialist and prison reform advocate, Carl Toersbijns.
Toersbijns, now retired (he retired in 2010), served as a deputy warden of operations at ADC-operated Arizona State Prison (ASP) Eyeman, as a deputy warden of operations at ASP Safford, as a deputy warden of operations at New Mexico Department of Corrections-operated Western New Mexico Correctional Facility (Grants, New Mexico), and as an associate warden at the Central New Mexico Correctional Facility (at Los Lunas, New Mexico). Collectively, Toersbijns' career in corrections has spanned over 25 years in both Arizona and New Mexico. Such work, said Toersbijns, has entailed everything from details with prison canine units, to prison gang units.
"They [CCA] use the criminal justice system as a means of making income -- for profit," added Toersbijns. "So, their interest in the criminal justice system is totally opposite of the police officer. The police officer is public safety. The primary interest for CCA and associated entities is profit. So, there most definitely is a conflict of interest."
For example, CCA was active (both as a co-chair and member) in the American Legislative Exchange Council's (ALEC) Public Safety and Elections Task Force (formerly the ALEC Criminal Justice Task Force) through the 1990s, to the end of 2010.
ALEC bills itself as "the nation’s largest, non-partisan, individual public-private membership association of state legislators," working toward the advancement of the "Jeffersonian ideals" of limited federal government. In reality, ALEC is almost entirely funded by corporations and sources other than legislative dues, and it is overwhelmingly comprised of Republican state lawmakers and an untold number of large corporations and influential law/lobby firms (although at least 41 companies have announced they have stopped funding ALEC in the wake of public exposure of its activities). ALEC's primary objective is to adopt and disseminate "model legislation," much of which is drafted entirely by its private sector members. ALEC boasts that nearly 20 percent of this "model legislation" introduced in state legislatures nationwide is passed into law annually.
In the wake of reporting outlining CCA's involvement with ALEC and the spread of immigration law based on SB 1070, CCA told the Arizona Republic, in September 2011, that the corporation left ALEC at an undisclosed time in 2010.
Records obtained by DBA Press show the direct sponsorship of both CCA and of Management and Training Corporation ("MTC," currently the nation's third largest for-profit prison/immigrant detention center operator) of the August 2010 ALEC Annual Meeting, as well as the likely involvement of lobbyists employed by both CCA, MTC and GEO Group in the December, 2010 ALEC "States and Nation Policy Summit".
Arizona lobby reports also show clear GEO Group involvement with ALEC during the December, 2009 ALEC States and Nation Policy Summit -- the meeting at which then-Arizona State Senator Russell Pearce introduced legislation (that would later be introduced in the Arizona legislature as SB 1070) for adoption as a piece of ALEC Public Safety and Elections Task Force "model legislation." Subsequently, copycat legislation similar to this ALEC model bill -- the "No More Sanctuary Cities for Illegal Immigrants Act" -- began appearing in state legislatures throughout the nation.
Furthermore, the ALEC Public Safety and Elections Task Force was instrumental, during the years of CCA's membership and leadership, in proliferating such 'tough-on-crime' legislation as: "three strikes," "truth in sentencing" and "mandatory minimum" sentencing guidelines.
And ALEC also advanced the model "Private Correctional Facilities Act," which allowed private corporations to operate state prisons.
These guidelines and pieces of "model legislation" (including the "Private Correctional Facilities Act") were advanced by ALEC in partnership with CrimeStrike, a division of the National Rifle Association ("NRA," a longtime ALEC private sector member), throughout the first half of the 1990s. Critics of this effort saw CrimeStrike largely as a response to the Clinton administration's desire to strengthen firearms violence prevention laws. As such, the CrimeStrike campaign spawned the saying, "guns don't kill people, people kill people"-- and posited that the solution to crime would be found through the use of greater criminal penalties. This strategy took advantage of, and perpetuated, the "tough-on-crime" sentiments of the day.
Largely as a result of model laws/sentencing guidelines advanced by the ALEC/NRA CrimeStrike partnership, the United States experienced a boom in the number of incarcerated individuals (in state and federal prisons, as well as in jails)-- from just over 1.1 million incarcerated in 1990, to nearly 2.3 million in 2010.
During the years of CCA's Criminal Justice/Public Safety and Elections Task Force involvement, ALEC also advanced and advocated "model legislation" that not only resulted in greater drug law enforcement presence on public school campuses, but that also mandated tough sentencing enhancements for drug offenses committed in "drug-free school zones."
The ALEC "Drug-Free Schools Act" called for the use of federal funds provided through the Drug Free Schools and Communities Act of 1986 for "enhanced apprehension, prevention and education efforts" in joint cooperation between law enforcement agencies and local school districts.
Multiple ALEC publications (including the ALEC "Sourcebook for American State Legislation 1993-94," which lists CCA among the organization's private sector members and advisors), along with the ALEC "Use of a Minor in Drug Operations Act" reference the "model Drug-Free School Zone Act," although it is unclear whether this "model" bill originated with ALEC.
It is clear, however, that the model "Drug-Free School Zone Act," which establishes "drug-free school zones" and carries sentencing enhancements similar to the enhancements codified in Arizona law, was promoted by a broad coalition of public interests groups during the 'tough-on-crime' fervor of the early-to-mid 1990s. The model bill enjoyed such support that the 1992 National Office of Drug Control Policy (NODCP) established federal assistance in establishing "drug-free school zones," as well as mandatory sentencing enhancements nationwide.
Interestingly enough, this NODCP initiative, which was set forth in a report discussing the agency’s "national priorities" for 1992, advocated state adoption of several other known pieces of ALEC model legislation, such as the "Use of a Minor in a Drug Operations Act," as well as other ALEC "models" calling for the suspension or revocation of occupational licenses for professionals convicted of drug crimes, the eviction of drug offenders from public housing, and the use of "mandatory minimum" sentencing guidelines.
Not surprisingly, ALEC, along with several other public policy groups, was credited by the NODCP as having been "especially helpful in the formulation of this strategy."
In April of 2012, following widespread criticism and loss of corporate sponsorship due to such pieces of "model legislation" disseminated by the Public Safety and Elections Task Force as the "Stand Your Ground Act," the "Voter ID Act" and the "No More Sanctuary Cities for Illegal Immigrants Act," ALEC announced that it would disband the task force (an announcement that PRWatch has critiqued as a "PR" maneuver).
Unfortunately, as the October 31 Vista Grande High School drug raid illustrates, the purported discontinuation of this task force comes only after the damage of two decades of private prison industry influence in the legislative process has taken its toll.
The simple fact is this: correctional officers -- people who work on a continual basis around adult criminal offenders-- have a much different mentality than a teacher, principal, or police officer. This mentality, he believes, may not be the most suitable mentality to subject school children to.
"Children are different -- they don't act like adults, and I don't think you ought to use corrections officers around children," said Toersbijns. "It's a different culture, it's a different setting, it's a different approach. It's inappropriate." For example, the term "lockdown," said Toersbijns, may mean an entirely different thing to a corrections officer than it means to school personnel, students, or police.
"They use that terminology, 'lock down,' in the police department too. When they've got something going on in the neighborhood -- a robbery suspect in the neighborhood -- they lock the schools down [. . .] If you have a group there, that you've called in to do a job, and some of them are correctional officers, and they hear the words 'lock down,' it has a different meaning -- it has a total different meaning [. . .] You don't tell a correctional officer 'this school's on lock down,' because the mentality is: 'oh, I can go anywhere I want and tear up anything I want and grab anything that I want. That's the mentality we use in prison. Prisoners don't have rights -- you and I both know that -- when it comes to search and seizure, they don't have no rights. Children have rights."
---
Thanks to Alex Friedmann, associate editor of Prison Legal News (www.prisonlegalnews.org) for his contribution to this article. CMD staffers Rebekah Wilce and Alex Oberley also contributed to this article.
The state has graced national headlines in recent years as the result of its cozy relationship with the for-profit prison industry. Such controversies have included the role of private prison corporations in SB 1070 and similar anti-immigrant legislation disseminated in other states; a 2010 private prison escape that resulted in two murders and a nationwide manhunt; and a failed bid to privatize nearly the entire Arizona prison system.
And now, recent events in the central Arizona town of Casa Grande show the hand of private corrections corporations reaching into the classroom, assisting local law enforcement agencies in drug raids at public schools.
Trick or Treat
At 9 a.m. on the morning of October 31, 2012, students at Vista Grande High School in Casa Grande were settling in to their daily routine when something unusual occurred.Vista Grande High School Principal Tim Hamilton ordered the school -- with a student population of 1,776 -- on "lock down," kicking off the first "drug sweep" in the school's four-year history. According to Hamilton, "lock down" is a state in which, "everybody is locked in the room they are in, and nobody leaves -- nobody leaves the school, nobody comes into the school."
"Everybody is locked in, and then they bring the dogs in, and they are teamed with an administrator and go in and out of classrooms. They go to a classroom and they have the kids come out and line up against a wall. The dog goes in and they close the door behind, and then the dog does its thing, and if it gets a hit, it sits on a bag and won't move."
While such "drug sweeps" have become a routine matter in many of the nation's schools, along with the use of metal detectors and zero-tolerance policies, one feature of this raid was unusual. According to Casa Grande Police Department (CGPD) Public Information Officer Thomas Anderson, four "law enforcement agencies" took part in the operation: CGPD (which served as the lead agency and operation coordinator), the Arizona Department of Public Safety, the Gila River Indian Community Police Department, and Corrections Corporation of America (CCA).
It is the involvement of CCA -- the nation's largest private, for-profit prison corporation -- that causes this high school "drug sweep" to stand out as unusual; CCA is not, despite CGPD's evident opinion to the contrary, a law enforcement agency.
"To invite for-profit prison guards to conduct law enforcement actions in a high school is perhaps the most direct expression of the 'schools-to-prison pipeline' I've ever seen," said Caroline Isaacs, program director of the Tucson office of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), a Quaker social justice organization that advocates for criminal justice reform.
"All the research shows that CCA doesn't properly train its staff to do the jobs they actually have. They most certainly do not have anywhere near the training and experience--to say nothing of the legal authority--to conduct a drug raid on a high school," Isaacs added. "It is chilling to think that any school official would be willing to put vulnerable students at risk this way."
Welcome to Prison Town, U.S.A.
CCA, the nation's largest for-profit prison/immigrant detention center operator, with more than 92,000 prison and immigrant detention "beds" in 20 states and the District of Columbia, reported $1.7 billion in gross revenue last year. This revenue is derived almost exclusively from tax payer-funded government (county, state, federal) contracts through which the corporation is paid per-diem, per-prisoner rates for the warehousing of prisoners and immigrant detainees.And, CCA has a substantial presence in Casa Grande and throughout Arizona's Pinal County (Casa Grande is the largest town in Pinal County). The corporation owns and operates a total of six correctional/detention facilities in the county, distributed through the towns of Florence and Eloy.
These facilities hold a mixture of prisoners from the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the U.S. Marshals Service, the Hawaii Department of Public Safety Division of Corrections, TransCor (a detainee/prisoner transportation subsidiary of CCA), the Pascua Yaqi Tribe, the U.S. Air Force, the Vermont Department of Corrections, and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. In September of this year, CCA was awarded a contract with the Arizona Department of Corrections (ADC) to house 1,000 medium security prisoners at the corporation's Red Rock Correctional Center in Eloy.
In 2009, the Central Arizona Regional Economic Development Foundation listed CCA as the largest non-governmental employer in Pinal County. To boot, CCA is a "Board Level" member of the Arizona Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a powerful trade/lobby organization, and is active in the Eloy, Florence, and Casa Grande chambers of commerce. (For more on CCA's political influence in Arizona, see "Brownskins and Greenbacks," DBA Press, June 2010.)
This CCA presence, coupled with the location of two correctional facilities operated by GEO Group (the nation's second largest for-profit prison/immigrant detention center contractor) in the county, as well as two ADC-run prison complexes, makes Pinal County -- which once cited mining and agriculture as its economic bedrock -- a de facto prison industry community.
Despite the obvious differences between CCA and actual law enforcement agencies, those involved in the Vista Grande High School drug sweep seem unable to differentiate between CCA employees and law enforcement officers.
"CCA is like a skip and a hop away from us-- as far as the one in Florence," said Anderson. "We work pretty closely with all surrounding agencies, whatever kind of law enforcement they are-- be they police, or immigration and naturalization, or the prison systems. So, yeah, this seems pretty regular to me."
For his part, Hamilton seems equally unable to differentiate between law enforcement officers and employees of a for-profit prison corporation. "To be honest with you, I couldn't tell if they were Casa Grande Police, Pinal County police, Gila River, the sheriff's department-- they all look the same," said Hamilton.
Questions of Legality
But they are not the same.Aside from the fact that CCA is a private corporation that derives its profits from the incarceration of human beings-- such as minimum and medium security drug offenders -- Arizona Administrative Code provides that, in order for any individual to engage in the duties of a "peace officer," that individual must obtain certification from the Arizona Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Board. Arizona Revised Statutes defines "peace officer" to include such law enforcement personnel as: municipal police officers, constables, marshals, Department of Public Safety personnel, and community college/university police.
The POST Board is comprised of the Arizona Attorney General, the director of the Arizona Department of Corrections, the director of the Arizona Department of Public Safety, municipal police department chiefs, county sheriffs, state university personnel, and other public safety/law enforcement personnel. POST's essential purpose, as defined by Arizona law is to "prescribe reasonable minimum qualifications for officers to be appointed to enforce the laws of this state and the political subdivisions of this state and certify officers in compliance with these qualifications."
And, Arizona Administrative Code is very clear on this point: "a person who is not certified by the Board or whose certified status is inactive shall not function as a peace officer or be assigned the duties of a peace officer by an agency . . . "
According to POST Executive Director Lyle Mann, POST provides two types of certification: standards and training certification for "peace officers," and standards and training certification for correctional officers. Arizona Administrative Code mandates that ADC officers be POST certified. However, according to Mann, employees of private prison contractors are exempt from this standards and training requirements. As such, said Mann, no CCA employee is POST certified -- as either a "peace officer" or a correctional officer.
It is important to note that Arizona Administrative Code explicitly states that non-regular "peace officers" -- secondary parties engaging in certain limited aspects of law enforcement under the command/supervision of regular peace officers -- must also be POST certified.
According to Arizona Administrative Code, a "limited-authority peace officer" is defined as "a peace officer who is certified to perform the duties of a peace officer only in the presence and under the supervision of a full-authority peace officer." The Code goes on to state that duties which may be performed by a "limited-authority peace officer" in the presence of a "full-authority peace officer" include: "investigative activities performed to detect, prevent, or suppress crime, or to enforce criminal or traffic laws of the state, county, or municipality."
This definition seems to fit the description -- with the exception that CCA employees aiding CGPD "peace officers" are not POST certified -- of what occurred at Vista Grande High School on the morning of October 31, 2012.
According to Officer Anderson and Principal Hamilton, the raid was organized and conducted at Hamilton's request.
"We need to keep drugs off our campus," said Hamilton when asked why he requested the raid. "We wanted to make sure our campus . . . we wanted to send a message to kids that we don't want that stuff on our campus."
Hamilton stated that, outside from this desire to send a "message to kids," he had no knowledge of any particular drug use problem on his school's campus.
CGPD then issued a request for assistance to what it considered to be other local law enforcement agencies -- including CCA.
According to Anderson, CCA provided two canine units (handlers and dogs) to aid in the high school "drug sweep." These CCA canine units worked under the command of the lead CGPD canine unit.
According to Anderson, there is no contract or formal agreement for such services extant between CGPD and CCA. Rather, said Anderson, CCA simply agreed to participate in the raid when approached by CGPD "K-9" officers. Anderson stated that he does not know whether CGPD ever contacted POST-certified correctional canine units at either of the two nearby ADC-operated prisons.
As to the general role canine units play in such school "drug sweeps," Anderson stated that the dogs and their handlers are typically utilized to detect the presence of illicit materials in classrooms and school parking lots.
This activity, as was conducted by CCA employees, would seem to fall squarely under the Arizona Administrative Code description of duties performed by "limited-authority peace officers" -- officers who may perform "investigative activities" for the purpose of detecting, preventing, or suppressing criminal activity, and who are only authorized to do so while in the presence of "full-authority peace officers," such as CGPD. Such "limited-authority peace officers" are required to be POST certified.
Regardless, according to both Anderson and Hamilton, this type of activity has been going on for years in Pinal County.
According to Anderson, a similar "drug sweep" -- utilizing CCA canine units -- was conducted at Casa Grande's Union High School in 2011. Anderson has been unable to provide further details relating to this event.
According to Anderson, the Vista Grande High School raid is unlikely to be the last instance of CCA partnership with local law enforcement, as he assumed CGPD would use the corporation's canine teams again, if needed.
And, according to Hamilton, he requested and had executed "drug sweeps" utilizing CCA canine units "two or three times a year," while serving as principal at Coolidge High School in Coolidge, Arizona -- also located in Pinal County, roughly ten miles from the private prison mecca of Florence. Hamilton was principal at Coolidge High School from 2003 through 2007.
CCA did not respond to multiple requests for comment regarding their involvement in law enforcement operations at public schools in Pinal County.
Conflict of Interest: From the Cradle to the Cell
According to Anderson, three students were arrested as a result of the October 31 Vista Grande raid: two female students, ages 15 and 17, as well as one 15-year-old male. According to Anderson, the 15-year-old female was found in possession of .10 grams of marijuana; the 15-year-old male student was found in possession of .50 grams of marijuana; and the 17-year-old female was found in possession of 10 ounces of marijuana. According to Anderson, this last quantity was "individually packaged."According to Anderson, the students were referred to the juvenile division of Pinal County Superior Court. All students were then released to their parents/legal guardians. According to Hamilton, the school will commence expulsion hearings against all students arrested.
It is worth noting that, while (as of November 12, 2012) charges have yet to be filed against students arrested in the October 31 Vista Grande drug raid, it is possible, under Arizona law, for the 17-year-old female allegedly found to be in possession of 10 ounces of "individually packaged" marijuana to be sentenced as an adult if charged with possession with intent to distribute -- a felony which would could carry a prison sentence.
In addition, it is important to note that, under Arizona law, individuals arrested for illicit activity/possession of illicit substances on or near school grounds may face "drug-free school zone" sentencing enhancements. Those convicted of drug (including marijuana) offenses in Arizona courts, and sentenced through the stringent criteria of "drug-free school zone" sentencing enhancements, lose the possibility of sentence suspension, parole, or probation (which would rule out the possibility of a deferral or diversion). This sentencing enhancement also adds a mandatory year to any prison sentence handed down by the court.
While the recently-awarded 1,000 CCA Arizona prison beds have yet to come into operation, it is exactly this kind of low risk, minimum to medium security prisoner that corporations such as CCA derive much of their profit from.
Furthermore, according to Anderson, the Vista Grande High School marijuana arrests have sparked a broader, ongoing investigation.
Given the fact that such high school raids may serve as the foundation for larger narcotics investigations which may net additional adult offenders -- and given the tremendous pressure for information a prosecutor may exert on a student through discretionary use of "drug-free school zone" sentencing enhancements -- concerned citizens say that CCA's involvement in such raids constitutes a clear conflict of interest.
"They're [CCA] not the criminal justice system. They are benefactors of the criminal justice system," said correctional specialist and prison reform advocate, Carl Toersbijns.
Toersbijns, now retired (he retired in 2010), served as a deputy warden of operations at ADC-operated Arizona State Prison (ASP) Eyeman, as a deputy warden of operations at ASP Safford, as a deputy warden of operations at New Mexico Department of Corrections-operated Western New Mexico Correctional Facility (Grants, New Mexico), and as an associate warden at the Central New Mexico Correctional Facility (at Los Lunas, New Mexico). Collectively, Toersbijns' career in corrections has spanned over 25 years in both Arizona and New Mexico. Such work, said Toersbijns, has entailed everything from details with prison canine units, to prison gang units.
"They [CCA] use the criminal justice system as a means of making income -- for profit," added Toersbijns. "So, their interest in the criminal justice system is totally opposite of the police officer. The police officer is public safety. The primary interest for CCA and associated entities is profit. So, there most definitely is a conflict of interest."
Profit-Driven Roadmap to the Present: "Tough-on-Crime" Mania and the Introduction of the "War on Drugs" to the Classroom.
As some opponents of prison privatization attest, CCA embodies the worst pitfalls of public-private partnerships, in that the corporation has worked in the past to advance criminal justice legislation that has contributed to both a swell in U.S. prison/detention center populations and, consequently, CCA's bottom line.For example, CCA was active (both as a co-chair and member) in the American Legislative Exchange Council's (ALEC) Public Safety and Elections Task Force (formerly the ALEC Criminal Justice Task Force) through the 1990s, to the end of 2010.
ALEC bills itself as "the nation’s largest, non-partisan, individual public-private membership association of state legislators," working toward the advancement of the "Jeffersonian ideals" of limited federal government. In reality, ALEC is almost entirely funded by corporations and sources other than legislative dues, and it is overwhelmingly comprised of Republican state lawmakers and an untold number of large corporations and influential law/lobby firms (although at least 41 companies have announced they have stopped funding ALEC in the wake of public exposure of its activities). ALEC's primary objective is to adopt and disseminate "model legislation," much of which is drafted entirely by its private sector members. ALEC boasts that nearly 20 percent of this "model legislation" introduced in state legislatures nationwide is passed into law annually.
In the wake of reporting outlining CCA's involvement with ALEC and the spread of immigration law based on SB 1070, CCA told the Arizona Republic, in September 2011, that the corporation left ALEC at an undisclosed time in 2010.
Records obtained by DBA Press show the direct sponsorship of both CCA and of Management and Training Corporation ("MTC," currently the nation's third largest for-profit prison/immigrant detention center operator) of the August 2010 ALEC Annual Meeting, as well as the likely involvement of lobbyists employed by both CCA, MTC and GEO Group in the December, 2010 ALEC "States and Nation Policy Summit".
Arizona lobby reports also show clear GEO Group involvement with ALEC during the December, 2009 ALEC States and Nation Policy Summit -- the meeting at which then-Arizona State Senator Russell Pearce introduced legislation (that would later be introduced in the Arizona legislature as SB 1070) for adoption as a piece of ALEC Public Safety and Elections Task Force "model legislation." Subsequently, copycat legislation similar to this ALEC model bill -- the "No More Sanctuary Cities for Illegal Immigrants Act" -- began appearing in state legislatures throughout the nation.
Furthermore, the ALEC Public Safety and Elections Task Force was instrumental, during the years of CCA's membership and leadership, in proliferating such 'tough-on-crime' legislation as: "three strikes," "truth in sentencing" and "mandatory minimum" sentencing guidelines.
And ALEC also advanced the model "Private Correctional Facilities Act," which allowed private corporations to operate state prisons.
These guidelines and pieces of "model legislation" (including the "Private Correctional Facilities Act") were advanced by ALEC in partnership with CrimeStrike, a division of the National Rifle Association ("NRA," a longtime ALEC private sector member), throughout the first half of the 1990s. Critics of this effort saw CrimeStrike largely as a response to the Clinton administration's desire to strengthen firearms violence prevention laws. As such, the CrimeStrike campaign spawned the saying, "guns don't kill people, people kill people"-- and posited that the solution to crime would be found through the use of greater criminal penalties. This strategy took advantage of, and perpetuated, the "tough-on-crime" sentiments of the day.
Largely as a result of model laws/sentencing guidelines advanced by the ALEC/NRA CrimeStrike partnership, the United States experienced a boom in the number of incarcerated individuals (in state and federal prisons, as well as in jails)-- from just over 1.1 million incarcerated in 1990, to nearly 2.3 million in 2010.
During the years of CCA's Criminal Justice/Public Safety and Elections Task Force involvement, ALEC also advanced and advocated "model legislation" that not only resulted in greater drug law enforcement presence on public school campuses, but that also mandated tough sentencing enhancements for drug offenses committed in "drug-free school zones."
The ALEC "Drug-Free Schools Act" called for the use of federal funds provided through the Drug Free Schools and Communities Act of 1986 for "enhanced apprehension, prevention and education efforts" in joint cooperation between law enforcement agencies and local school districts.
Multiple ALEC publications (including the ALEC "Sourcebook for American State Legislation 1993-94," which lists CCA among the organization's private sector members and advisors), along with the ALEC "Use of a Minor in Drug Operations Act" reference the "model Drug-Free School Zone Act," although it is unclear whether this "model" bill originated with ALEC.
It is clear, however, that the model "Drug-Free School Zone Act," which establishes "drug-free school zones" and carries sentencing enhancements similar to the enhancements codified in Arizona law, was promoted by a broad coalition of public interests groups during the 'tough-on-crime' fervor of the early-to-mid 1990s. The model bill enjoyed such support that the 1992 National Office of Drug Control Policy (NODCP) established federal assistance in establishing "drug-free school zones," as well as mandatory sentencing enhancements nationwide.
Interestingly enough, this NODCP initiative, which was set forth in a report discussing the agency’s "national priorities" for 1992, advocated state adoption of several other known pieces of ALEC model legislation, such as the "Use of a Minor in a Drug Operations Act," as well as other ALEC "models" calling for the suspension or revocation of occupational licenses for professionals convicted of drug crimes, the eviction of drug offenders from public housing, and the use of "mandatory minimum" sentencing guidelines.
Not surprisingly, ALEC, along with several other public policy groups, was credited by the NODCP as having been "especially helpful in the formulation of this strategy."
In April of 2012, following widespread criticism and loss of corporate sponsorship due to such pieces of "model legislation" disseminated by the Public Safety and Elections Task Force as the "Stand Your Ground Act," the "Voter ID Act" and the "No More Sanctuary Cities for Illegal Immigrants Act," ALEC announced that it would disband the task force (an announcement that PRWatch has critiqued as a "PR" maneuver).
Unfortunately, as the October 31 Vista Grande High School drug raid illustrates, the purported discontinuation of this task force comes only after the damage of two decades of private prison industry influence in the legislative process has taken its toll.
Is Any of this Right?
Vast differences between law enforcement agencies and private, for-profit corrections corporations aside, former ADC deputy warden and corrections specialist Carl Toersbijns said he sees a greater underlying problem in the practice of using any prison -- public or private -- personnel in school drug raids.The simple fact is this: correctional officers -- people who work on a continual basis around adult criminal offenders-- have a much different mentality than a teacher, principal, or police officer. This mentality, he believes, may not be the most suitable mentality to subject school children to.
"Children are different -- they don't act like adults, and I don't think you ought to use corrections officers around children," said Toersbijns. "It's a different culture, it's a different setting, it's a different approach. It's inappropriate." For example, the term "lockdown," said Toersbijns, may mean an entirely different thing to a corrections officer than it means to school personnel, students, or police.
"They use that terminology, 'lock down,' in the police department too. When they've got something going on in the neighborhood -- a robbery suspect in the neighborhood -- they lock the schools down [. . .] If you have a group there, that you've called in to do a job, and some of them are correctional officers, and they hear the words 'lock down,' it has a different meaning -- it has a total different meaning [. . .] You don't tell a correctional officer 'this school's on lock down,' because the mentality is: 'oh, I can go anywhere I want and tear up anything I want and grab anything that I want. That's the mentality we use in prison. Prisoners don't have rights -- you and I both know that -- when it comes to search and seizure, they don't have no rights. Children have rights."
---
Thanks to Alex Friedmann, associate editor of Prison Legal News (www.prisonlegalnews.org) for his contribution to this article. CMD staffers Rebekah Wilce and Alex Oberley also contributed to this article.
Saturday, November 24, 2012
Prison Violence by gangs
Gang Violence or Routine Prison Misconduct ?
By Carl R.
ToersBijns, former deputy warden, ASPC Eyman complex, Florence, AZ
There appears to be an
importation of a new prisoner model or ideology that gang violence inside
prisons is merely an extension of antisocial behaviors developed on the
streets. Opposing this model are those who deny gang activities are on the rise
and that the main contributor of increased prison violence is the new youthful
offender that does not respect or adhere to prison regulations like those
before.
There are many
publically / politically influenced commonalities in this way of thinking that
justifies the lack of response and vigilance regarding this ever growing
problem inside of prisons as it is being identified as an individual problem
rather than a group or in this case, a gang problem. Surrendering [unknowingly
or through passive direction] the prisons to known gang leaders is a strategy
that has failed in the past and is making a comeback in some prison systems.
It is becoming clearer
as every day passes on that prison population are becoming more violent by the
moment. There also appears to be a direct correlation between gangs involved in
street activities and prison gangs coordinating high risk gang activities from
both ends of the fence line. Thus the model delivered attempts to indicate or
reflect that one is the same as the other with the only difference being the
razor wire that isolates the two versions of disruptive groups within our
society and the prison world.
The connection also
reveals prior inmate behaviors of those gang members out in the streets. These
high risk persons handle predictive violent behaviors on the street as they did
when incarcerated and involved in significant gang activities.
However, unlike the
police officers on the street, there are some prison agencies that have chosen
to ignore such threats and allowed these especially at risk [often repeat-offenders]
persons rule and run prison yards as a condition to maintain peace and control
without or minimal administrative intervention.
It appears that some
prison officials feel that gang membership is a smaller threat to their
authority thus considered it to be a smaller risk. Although aware of chronic
offending and breaking of institutional rules and regulations, their vigilance
and enforcement tactics resemble passive ignorance of such a major impact and
receives scaled back controlled responses to avoid upsetting the delicate
balance of gang controlled power inside our prisons.
On the other hand,
other prison officials are actively and aggressively addressing gang influences
inside prisons as they agreed that prison gang involvement has the same
consequences and characteristics as street gang involvement and contributes
negatively to prison violence, misconduct and other social maladjustments.
Some of those who
accept prison gang mentalities and behaviors as a way of life, have thrown in
the towel of surrender and allow individual criminality to exist as each
prisoner may contribute to the overall prison environment or structural
existence through situational dynamics of what is acceptable conduct inside
prison and prison life.
They refuse to
acknowledge that although an individual may be acting as their own criminal
[anti-social] behavior dictates, the fact they are gang connected creates a
more powerful force that impacts prison violence disproportionately and
heightens the risks of violence and other forms of criminality or misconducts.
In the end, prison
officials have to decide to what extent prison gang membership impacts their
daily operation and how it compares to their daily threats of potential
disturbances, harm to staff and other prisoners and the cultural settings of
different prison yards throughout the system.
It would be most
beneficial for prison officials to study the relationship between street gangs
and prison gangs rather that ignoring this potent link in order to measure
their impact related to gang activity, potential threats to the prison
population and prison regulations. Ignoring prison gangs as organized and
self-perpetuating groups is foolish. Refusing to address this hierarchy of
leadership and their established chain of command is detrimental to
establishing security and impacts their direct ability to rule and control
prison conduct.
They should actively
pursue the growth of gang activity through organized strikes and efforts to
control these activities and minimize their power and influence on their
respective yards so that the prisons are governed by institutional rules and
regulations rather than gang like control [intimidation and fear] and violence
connect behaviors resembling anarchist at work inside prisons.
In denial of such
growing dynamics on their yards, officials refuse to admit or identify that
gang members are more likely to commit criminal acts than non gang members
inside prisons. They are also permitting gang members to commit major
misconduct violations to occur such as murder, rape, assaulting of staff and
other use of lethal force inside prisons to carry out their illegal enforcement
of gang by rules and taxation programs.
Giving up social
controls on gang members will release [or unleash] a most unwanted dynamic
event that gang activity produces or induces into a prison environment. It is
problematic and a most perpetuating condition that send a message that violence
is condoned and the perpetrators will not be sought for justice or prosecution
and that there will be no retribution for such misconduct or behaviors
including homicides.
November 24, 2012
Prison Violence growing in Arizona
Violence vs. Vigilance -The
high cost of incarceration
By Carl R.
ToersBijns, former deputy warden, ASPC Eyman, Florence, AZ
Arizona prisons, by
reputation and demographics, have increased their tolerance for deadly violence
exponentially in the manner it has been addressed and managed. Allowing
willfully and deliberately the existence of organized gang violence to occur,
they are setting up the public and the taxpayers for a huge demand of funding
in future needs to secure our prisons that have been exploited by those who
wanted to see them grow in size and need for profit making and mass
incarceration agendas.
For all practical
purposes, prison management is taking weak reactive approaches on the
management of violence inside these state prisons. Through slow and “deliberate
indifference methods” of blaming these events on individuals and not the gangs
that are actually ruling the yards with orders coming from upstairs inside
their maximum security units. Just like the outside world, taxes are up and the
failure to pay them results in physical harm or assaults that often hospitalize
men or women for weeks at a time. This philosophy of gang enforcement by boots
and stomping has been a growing disease with no relief in sight. Since these
acts are tolerated by the administration, it is likely to increase over the
next few years before someone says enough is enough and attempts to retake
control from the gangs will result in widespread violence throughout the state
for a momentary conflict for control and power.
The strategy is simple
and not complicated at all once you understand the mentality of creating a
“gladiator” environment inside our prisons and how this impacts your political
wishes to spend more money and control more power over a most ignored and
invisible event such as managing prisons.
Their deliberate
ignorance of such gang growth has allowed them to deny there is a growth in
gang related violence within the prison setting as there are now more violent
individuals incarcerated than ever before. This myth will eventually be
dispelled by future leaders but until such a farce is revealed, the taxpayers
and constituency base will suffer needless as more money is allocated for
prison operations and programs.
For the longest time
now, prison officials have turned a blind eye at the “beat downs” and severe
assaults that have been occurring inside state prisons since the ideology has
changed from rehabilitation to mass incarceration. Medical bills and
hospitalization needs has jumped up the costs of associated treatment and care
as there appears no end to the gang violence inside Arizona prisons.
The agenda is filled
with expanding maximum security beds rather than providing a safe and secure
environment for staff and prisoners to enhance and allow a peaceful coexistence
and functionality and coping skills. Today’s standards are well within limits
that allow only a small degree of humanity to exist inside prisons. This makes
the majority of prison culture inhumane and torturous to many trying to co-exist
under such vile conditions.
This concept is
designed so that administrators don’t experience back-drafts of criticism for
the ongoing violence from those that embrace anarchist ideology on both sides
of the fence. Allowing such conditions to exist permits the agency to point the
fingers at prisoners rather than their own miscalculations or moral and legal
responsibilities of how to handle violence inside their prisons. It also allows
a justification for resources to be used in a manner unquestioned by those top
executives or legislators that make the rules but rarely see to it that
oversight of compliance is occurring.
It is much easier to
blame prisoners for their negative and often rebellious behaviors than to
explain how the agency allowed such breeding conditions to occur and foster
such a disruptive mood without intervention. After all is said and done, the
agency, in its righteous tone of addressing the prisoner’s misconduct and
assaultive behaviors will come out asking for more funding, more staff, more
maximum security beds and more sympathy from the governor’s office, the
legislature and the public.
It’s a strategy that
has worked often elsewhere and is growing inside Arizona prison managers’ minds
as a new tool to warrant current prison expansions based on the self created
need and self fulfilling prophecy that prisoners are more violent today than
ever before and that the expenditures requested are needed to calm the setting
and manage violence that has been embraced through silence and inaction and
used a means to attain and acquire more money for more prisons and beds.
November 24, 2012
Sunday, November 18, 2012
An Old Timer’s Christmas Wish
An Old Timer’s Christmas Wish
By Carl R. ToersBijns
Life in the late 50’s and early 60's was simple as
there was a limited amount of income coming in for a lot of families who lived
on the minimum wage. The economy was fair and crime was low but the pay for
those lucky to be employed was low. The cost of living was rising and the only
way one could survive is to have both parents working so they can consolidate
their income to meet their needs. Only a
few families could afford to celebrate the holidays and then, on a very limited
level. The cold war was looming and the air raid drills were real in school and
in the city.
The holidays were always celebrated with vigor and
blessings of all that we were thankful for either during the holidays or the
entire year. Thanksgiving is a special occasion where we could express our
appreciation for the good things in life and the ability to pursue our own
version of happiness down the road.
Anxiously waiting, we could hardly wait for the
arrival of Christmas. The economy was so
bad, it was hard to earn a dollar and more stressful just to make
ends meet as jobs were hard to find and parents were struggling to make ends
meet. Living on meager wages, we stretched the food thus it was urgently
important that we saved every bit of scraps we had and make a meal from the
leftovers the next day's supper. Money tight and clothes worn out, we made sure
we had what we needed to get by for Christmas as we wanted this holiday to be
special as we just had a baby girl in the family and she was a treasure to say
the least.
However, when it came, it was a simple celebration
focusing on God, the birth of Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary and the Holy
Spirit. Gifts were meager tokens of our
appreciation for our blessings. We did not splurge or attempt to buy any more
than we could afford. Times were tough and it was like that all over in America and not just in Ohio .
Growing up in the ghetto tenements of the south end
of Columbus Ohio during the early 60's was ethnically
challenging and a time for constant friction and controversy. Racial issues in
our neighborhood continued to dominate our family's daily strife as the black
and white environment we lived in was frequently falling short for reaching a
harmonious relationship. Witnessing the racial wars and conflicts grew us
closer together as we saw how cynical and ridiculous adults behaved related to
the world being black or white. The deployment of the Ohio National Guard into
our neighborhood heightened our awareness of how divided we really stood on
life. Those who knew how to live in harmony were ridiculed and those who spewed
hatred into every direction were martyred by their own in their respective
neighborhoods.
Learning slowly the perils of mixing racial
relationships in this side of town could end up inside a hospital emergency
room waiting for the doctor to stitch you up after you just survived a razor
blade attack on your body thinking to yourself "what did I do to deserve
this".
Thinking more of the offspring’s state of mind and
personal wellness than the impact on adults, kids these days endured much
harassment and bullying inside the school and playgrounds.
Life in the 70’s was not so simple as before as
there was the end of the Vietnam war that left many homeless and traumatized
because of the conflict and shock they were involuntarily inflicted by and
sadly left untreated to fend for their own with no help from the government
upon discharge of service. The music was rocking with big name bands and the
mood was laid back as the world tried to find peace with the nuclear war still
hanging over our heads and communism spreading like wildfires in Asia and Eastern Europe .
Life in the 80’s was much different from the 70’s
as things began to come together and the world seemed to have settled down a
bit. The economy seemed to have picked up and more jobs were available and more
plenty in Ohio
and other places. Moving to New
Mexico to follow my parents, it was a new journey
that allowed me to leave all my troubles behind and start fresh with a new
mindset that allowed me to gather my thoughts and heal my aching heart for all
the misery and pain I had left behind to start anew.
The 90’s brought more joy and the families I once
knew to be far apart were coming together as we saw a new direction and new
hope for changing some of the things that had happened in the past. Stability
was a main ingredient and the ability to launch new ideas and new challenges
grew into a reality unmatched by anything in the past.
The coming of the new millennium brought more
opportunities and happiness. Children, my children, were growing into adults
and having families of their own makes the heart fonder of the good things that
happen in life with faith and hope coming from above. The world seemed to get
better and the air was filled with fresh feelings of hope and prosperity for
many.
But the happiness was short lived as the morning of
9/11 revealed that America was again engaged in war but this time, the war had
come to New York City and the Twin Towers were assaulted by radical Islamic
terrorist flying two large commercial aircraft into the gigantic and elevated
skyscrapers making them easy targets to hurtle into with loaded fuel and
innocent Americans unaware that danger had came from above and brought them
immediate hell, death and disaster.
Recovering from the Twin Tower
disaster was most difficult for Americans. Their own sovereignty had been
endangered by small groups of radicals preying on large commercial ports of
entry and landmarks that represented America ’s power and influence
throughout the world and Christianity. No longer safe inside the own
territorial borders, the new Homeland Security Agency promulgated policies that
would invade the privacy of our lives forever as new technology advanced body
[scans] searches and the detection of weapons and other contraband determined
by the TSA coming onboard aircrafts.
Moving to the Grand Canyon
state in late 2005 brought a new element of hatred into our lives. The subject
of illegal immigration had invaded Arizona
politics and statutory legislation as well as regulations.
Suburban and rural neighborhoods were once again
divided and many left to avoid the persecution of laws that focused on legal
and illegal residence status that had been ignored by the federal government
for years if not decades and now making a political impact for those running
for elected office.
Families became divided under SB 1070 as the law
demanded ICE detainments and eventual deportations and compliance with the laws
of the land. Congress offered no resolution as states drafted their own
immigration laws to control their sovereignty and borders within their control.
Then almost inconspicuously, some of the old
ideology from the 60’s crept back into our lives and on television and
newspapers. The country elected a black president for the first time and the
world [as we knew it] inside America rocked with a renewal of racism as many
could not understand, accept or conform to the new ideology created by those
born in earlier decades that all men are created equal regardless of race,
creed, color or nationality and that anyone could be president if they get the
electoral votes to win the office.
The likes of the infamous Klux Klux Klan were
reborn geographically and demographically as the hatred spewed up everywhere
with provocation to incite racial hate crimes through written dialogues and
detestable language and social media cartoons. Muslims sought shelter inside
their mosques as they became targets of a new generation of haters and
degenerates. Gangs grew inside our large cities and crime took a rise that
would fill our prisons to the brim of hell’s own periphery of insanity and
madness. Black killing blacks and inter-racial killings that had no boundaries
or honor.
There was also a significant change in the way we
celebrate our holidays nowadays. Compared to the old ways where we focused on
Christ, the angels and the celebrated music as our means to find happiness and
peace with God, we are losing the bonds we established so hard in the past.
Commercialism invaded our ideology of celebrating the holydays focusing on
gifts and other self fulfilling presents that were meant to please oneself
rather than others.
The spirit of giving had changed to the spirit of
receiving and ignoring the giving aspect of a most worthy cause to celebrate
the birth of Jesus. It appeared the word
“reborn” had taken a new meaning as it again divided our neighborhoods through
extreme ideologies and biases. Xboxes and large screen televisions invaded the
homes as the Holy Bible was put on pause and stashed away in a drawer somewhere
collecting dust and ignorance by those who chose to cast it aside for personal
pleasure and addictive entertainment. Technology was swallowing life into a
vacuum that would be difficult to recover from if at all.
After every Thanksgiving after 2001, the mood on
the street never changed, it was naïve to believe that with Christmas nearing
and only a few weeks away, there would be peace and joy
throughout the world and angels singing hymns to bring the faithful gathers
together for a song or two. Caroling in our streets during Christmas used to be
a common event but is hardly happening anymore, anywhere in America today.
The economy was so bad, it was very hard find
a good job and to earn top dollar for good work done. Life was becoming
more stressful just to make ends meet as jobs were hard to find and parents
were struggling to make ends meet. Savings accounts depleted and Wall Street
taking a deep tumble into corruptive practices and financial troubles, the
earnings of a life’s savings disappeared for many Americans.
The newly elected president in 2008 ended one of
the Middle East wars and promised to end another in Pakistan . These senseless wars have
been fought for decades and as these fine and honorable young men and women
came home, they found empty hearts and pockets leaving them at the mercy of a
struggling economy and high unemployment rate. Many experienced PTSD from the
war and received no assistance for such service as they were discarded and many
left homeless for service to their country and injured in the line of duty.
Many came home broken in spirit and mind as they suffer irreparable harm to
their wellness
After the elections of 2012, fifty states have
filed petitions to secede from the union. A re-elected president ponders how to
heal the nation. The citizens’ viewpoints are different than those elected in Washington DC
and wish to rule their own way of life began to appear in society just like it
did before the start of the notorious American Civil War. Although symbolic in
nature, they represent the truthful feelings of the many as they struggle with
the social and political conflict that impairs them daily to be productive and
gainfully employed as the economy and debt has faltered to a new low each day
we go on.
The world appears to be riding on the shoulders of
Satan and Judas as it has been turned upside down in morality and tranquility.
The lyrics sung in the past have been replaced with slogans of war, violence, corruption
and power as the government struggles to meet the solutions to its humongous
debt and our burdensome fiscal cliff is ready to fall off into the ocean and
drift towards the economically dominant Republic of China that today holds our
debt as collateral and owns what we once had as our own. Our national security
and defense at jeopardy, we pray change will come from Congress and reshape our
journey to financial and economic independence once again.
The spirit of Christmas has dwindled down to a
silent wish for hope. Hope that America
will wake up from this nightmare and turn it around with those same ingredients
our founding father had to birth this nation. A dire need to re-birth America
will require strength and courage by those elected as leaders as we journey and
navigate these dire straights to hell.
Negativity is ascending as hope dissipates into
thin air. It appears the electoral vote is now in direct disagreement with the
popular vote and people are upset their candidates lost. So in the end I have a
Christmas wish that would end all the fighting and all the misery inside our
country and in our neighborhood.
My wish is to restore the faith in God that built
this great nation. Allow the pledge of allegiance to return back to the
classrooms and stop banishing the words of in “God we Trust” from the lips of
our children. Let us find the courage to again place our hands crossing our
hearts as our Flag passes by and represents what is the greatest nation on
earth, indivisible and under God. Reestablish patriotism as it was once before
and bring home our men and women in uniform and keep them safe with support to
assist them back into civilian livelihood and become good civilians again.
My wish is to rebuild and rekindle our spirits that
allowed us to feel good about ourselves and others as friend and neighbor
rather than enemy or foe. Stop the
fighting, the racism, and the hatred and become good neighbors again. Let our
children live in peace and love each other unconditionally.
My wish is a return to good economics and stop
sending jobs elsewhere around the world to allow us to prosper again and make
us free. Free from the slavery that these conditions impose on us as we must
follow involuntarily the whims of those in power that benefit from free labor
of men and cheap products that need to be replaced often to increase the
profits.
My wish is an end to these chains of entitlement
feelings and give each man or woman an opportunity to work for a living and
support those whom they love. Free those enslaved and dependent on government
services and put them back into the hands of themselves so they may become
self-reliant again and earn and learn the meaning of self-responsibilities, self-efficiency
and self-support.
My wish is to heal America and bring us all back
together again. Stop the violence and bring a level of sanity back into our
lives. Allow each one individual the rights conceived by our Constitution and
let no man or woman alter the meaning of our “Bill of Rights” to shadow and
destroy the main fiber of our nation.
My wish is to stop the congressional bickering and
unite this nation as a one party family that will heal all wounds and bring us
together again and bring our nation back into a resolved condition and strength
with reserves independent from foreign powers or influences.
My wish is to bring peace, hope and faith into our
lives and allow us to be a nation whole once again and without the division we
have today. Bring back contentment and allow us the bliss we so desire in God’s
name and spirit and bring us together into one accord.
Proactive Policing vs. Reactive Policing in Corrections
Proactive
Policing vs. Reactive Policing in Corrections
By
Carl R. ToersBijns, former deputy warden, ASPC Eyman, Florence, AZ
In most cases, the Arizona Department of
Corrections Officers and administrators have to react to a variety of critical
incidents, situations and scenarios in an ad hoc manner due to lack of planning
or preparation for such events. What we have when such events occur is total
havoc of organizational resources misused and abused rather than efficiently or
effectively deployed and able to manage the situation in a calm and orderly
fashion.
Thus it is fair to say that there are minimal
efforts made to avoid a proactive approach towards the prevention of criminal
activities within the prisons and lack of effective measures implemented to
prevent such criminal acts to occur. Although there are common approaches [best
practices] available to deal with this issue, the ADOC chooses to manage by
crisis as this is their main and only ideology to ineffectively manage crime,
their prison’s security functionality, technology and the majority of their
incarceration policies.
Rather than being proactive this current
administration chooses to be reactive in nature and frequently fail the
public’s trust in their efforts to aid both the public’s safety as well as the
safety of those incarcerated and assigned to work inside of our state prisons
today.
In Arizona some things remain constant since 2009.
In policing there is no change. The Department of Corrections is not a focused
group as it fails to learn from lessons in the past and continues to mishandle
major flaws with little or no change in management styles. Only in those areas
where there is a federal grants involved do they improve their services in
order to gain access to this dangling carrot that provides them funding for
essential services.
However, even in those federally funded programs
there is room for improvement as it is merely set up to meet minimum standards
and often weakly enforced to show nothing but the desired results on paper rather
than making an intentional or practical change in operations or behaviors.
The PREA Act is one example as the ADOC continues
to punish those who report sexual abuse or misconduct and allows the
victimization of both lesbian and gay prisoners’ rights to be violated and
ignored by staff. Not only is there a need for policy change but in a cultural
change as well.
Another example of mismanagement is the manner the
ADOC handles the severely mentally ill persons. It allows and condones a high
number of suicides, self mutilations and death inside its prisons with no
effective counter plan to intervene, reduce or prevent these events as it
ignores the problem rather than handling it with today’s technology and
methodology used by other states to create safer and more orderly therapeutic
environments for those needing stability and programming for mental health
treatment.
This agency has been unsuccessful particularly in
learning and adapting to new correctional techniques and behaviors. Instead of
focusing on a reduction in prison population, they plan for expansion of beds.
Instead of hitting the bricks for prisons corrections, they ask for more
prisons to be built.
Talking to people working inside these prisons, it
is obvious that there is no priority in reducing spending and reducing the
violence that is occurring on a daily basis by inmate gangs that are running
open yards and charging taxes and other levies to those that are doing their
time but have to either join a gang or pay to coexist on one of these yards. To
refuse payment is a sentence for excessive physical punishment that often
results in hospitalization or medical treatment for injuries often not reported
for fear of relations.
Policies haven’t changed and it’s likely they
won’t until the death count exceed those tolerable limits set by the directors
in Phoenix as manageable and normal. In the meantime, drugs rule the yards and
run amuck. Assaults are increasingly common and more severe as correctional
officers risk being harmed or killed by those that enforce the gang rules
inside our prisons.
This agency could be more successful if it adopted
the guidelines of the S.A.R.A model that is considered to be a process that is
workable and logical when applied to problem solving measures and it works. The
main obstacle of this concept is the resistance by those who refuse to “buy in”
on the concept and insist on doing it the old way of lessons learned and taking
reactive measures to avoid dealing with it again but not taking into
consideration other variances of other major problems that may occur.
The ADOC needs to implement a proverbial buy in
order for it to work. Without this embracement of change policies will remain
ineffective and antiquated in content and unable to provide guidance to those
working the line and keeping the peace.
The bottom line is if you want the ADOC to be
successful, the department has to implement this model in all their prisons and
allow the process to exist, grow and expand to the levels it can reach if fully
integrated into the policy making process that is lacking the right elements to
fulfill effective policy making today.
The SARA Model
A commonly used problem-solving method is the SARA model (Scanning,
Analysis, Response and Assessment). The SARA model contains the following
elements:
Scanning:
- Identifying
recurring problems of concern to the public and the agency.
- Identifying
the consequences of the problem for the prisons and the agency.
- Prioritizing
those problems.
- Developing
broad goals.
- Confirming
that the problems exist.
- Determining
how frequently the problem occurs and how long it has been taking place.
- Selecting
problems for closer examination.
Analysis:
- Identifying
and understanding the events and conditions that precede and accompany the
problem.
- Identifying
relevant data to be collected.
- Researching
what is known about the problem type.
- Taking
inventory of how the problem is currently addressed and the strengths and
limitations of the current response.
- Narrowing the
scope of the problem as specifically as possible.
- Identifying a
variety of resources that may be of assistance in developing a deeper
understanding of the problem.
- Developing a
working hypothesis about why the problem is occurring.
Response:
- Brainstorming
for new interventions.
- Searching for
what other communities with similar problems have done.
- Choosing
among the alternative interventions.
- Outlining a
response plan and identifying responsible parties.
- Stating the
specific objectives for the response plan.
- Carrying out
the planned activities.
Assessment:
- Determining
whether the plan was implemented (a process evaluation).
- Collecting
pre– and post–response qualitative and quantitative data.
- Determining
whether broad goals and specific objectives were attained.
- Identifying
any new strategies needed to augment the original plan.
- Conducting
ongoing assessment to ensure continued effectiveness.
November 18, 2012
Friday, November 16, 2012
Morality Issues ~ which one will you choose?
Situational
Morality in Correctional Officers
By Carl R.
ToersBijns, former deputy warden, ASPC Eyman, Florence, AZ
Situational morality
is a 24 /7 issue and concern for those that are exposed to opportunities to do
something wrong whether on duty or off duty. I agree that being human is a
major element of the formula but the resolution or answer lies in the manner
you were brought up and with what values you base your right or wrong on and
how it impacts your behavior under certain situations.
We all have to take
personal responsibility for our own actions and being human does not excuse you
from deviating from your values, the laws, your professional oath or your personal
principles.
Compromising your personal
moral values and workplace ethics leads to other major flaws in doing your job.
Compromising any task, role or decision impedes your abilities to perform
according to your oath as a peace officer puts other people in danger.
The consequences
outweigh the need to do so in most cases but that does not appear to stop some
from committing the act. The severity in receiving possible sanctions e.g.
suspension, termination, conviction of a misdemeanor or felony crime should
halt you in your tracks but as it has been demonstrated many times over, it doesn’t
seem to stop those who take the risks of breaking the rules and disregard the
purposes of such rules.
First off, one must
distinguish the difference between absolute morality and situational morality.
Being human is being mortal thus room for error is given as humans. It is fair
to say that to obtain “absolute morality” is impossible as a human being. It’s
a concept that can be vigorously debated but is likely to reveal flaws in the
concept or expectations since it would require humans to be flawless in nature.
The main difference
between absolute morality and situational morality is the fact that situational
concepts deals exclusively with an individual’s dealings with life and its
temptations. What is valid temptation for one is another one’s vice and
deterrent to stay on the straight and narrow sort of speak. It is fair to say
that as humans, we will act according to how it benefits us.
The key to this
scenario are the words such as “however”, “but” or “unless” that makes morality
a situational one for individuals and allows their minds to justify the acts
although they can be contrary to common sense or internal moral feelings. Hence
the words “greed” and “corrupt” comes to mind and the scenario has been changed
where the act to permit an act is justified by the means and the need
self-imposed by the individual or a group of individuals.
One could argue that
our moral values are infused or originated by the moral inclinations of our
cultural upbringings. However there is a distinct difference between cultural
morality and situational morality issues as one is basically a socialist
viewpoint or values and the other is based on personal or righteous viewpoints
thus they could be in conflict with each other as one occupies the same space
of the other. One can see how this conflict results in a disagreement and the
difference between right and wrong. Therefore, it could be said that
situational morality is or can be a derivative of the moral conditions in every
sense of the word and can be copied.
Politicians use this
concept of situational morality to cover the “good for all or many” while in
fact, it may be self-serving and criminal in nature.
Correctional officers
may use this scenario scheme to justify the use of force or develop a
relationship with an inmate that breaches the security of the facility thus
under certain circumstances, they are “right” in their own mindset at the time
and fail to see the rational or irrational misbehaviors other see.
Therefore it is the
personal gain or outcome of such situational moral confrontations that
determine whether it was right or wrong and not the basic human instinct to
follow individual societal or personal philosophies, principles or ethics is
such cases.
It has been said often
that if it makes you happy “do it” but then, this rule should be followed up
with “what makes you happy” should conform with your personal values, ethical
obligations and principles developed over your lifetime.
Hopefully these basic
instincts, feelings, inferences and ideas are instilled by good parenting,
educational experiences, basic and advanced job related training and
development skills and trainers or mentors that shaped or guided your thinking
into the positive light rather than the darkness distinguishing the difference
between right and wrong with a clear line rather than an invisible and blurred
one.
November 16, 2012
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